政治大抵是家族事業，雖然從小我們就學到：政是眾人之事，治是管理，政治就是管理眾人之事。政治對個人而言也是一種事業，但是這個事業泰半是代代相傳的家族事業。
這篇報導是寫在大選之前，雖然大選已經結束，正如選前的種種民調與分析，自由民主黨敗選，民主黨即將組閣執政。民主黨代表鳩山由紀夫將繼自民黨總裁麻生太郎之後出任內閣總理大臣，其實在五零年代鳩山由紀夫的祖父鳩山一郎就是繼麻生太郎的外祖父吉田茂擔任內閣總理大臣。這也是一種傳承嗎？
台灣的政治不也是差不多嗎？執政黨的袞袞諸公也大都是黨、政、軍要員的子女嗎？日本的民主較台灣發展的早，加上台灣的處境許多黨政要員都把子女送到外國，或是拿外國國籍，所以現在浮上檯面的也少有三代從政的。不過一連串的綠卡、楓葉卡等紛爭就可以看得出來。
自由民主黨在這次大選有三分之一的候選人是參選他們家族成員曾擔任過的職位，而民主黨也有十分之一。看看近五任的總理大臣，只有小泉的父、祖輩沒擔任過總理大臣。
總理大臣任期
小泉純一郎 2001.4~2006.9 祖父小泉又次郎與父親小泉純也都是國會議員
安倍晉三 2006.9~2007.9 岸信介總理(1957.2~1960.7)的外孫
福田康夫 2007.9~2008.9 福田赳夫總理(1976.12~1978.12)的兒子
麻生太郎 2008.9~2009.9 吉田茂總理(1949.2~1953.12)的外孫
鳩山由紀夫 2009.9~ 鳩山一郎總理(1954.12~1956.12)的孫子
朝鮮半島的北韓，根本是金氏王朝；南韓則是民主資歷還短，地域主義盛行。
馬來西亞獨立於1957年，至今有六個首相，國家還很年輕，長期由簡稱巫統的馬來西亞全國巫人統一機構主政。現任首相納吉·阿都拉薩就是第二位首相阿都拉薩的兒子。
首相 任期
東姑阿都拉曼 Tunku Abdul Rahman Putra Al-Haj 1957.8~1970.6
阿都拉薩 Tun Abdul Razak 1970.6~ 1976.1
胡申翁 Tun Hussein bin Onn 1976.1~ 1981.9
馬哈迪 Tun Dr. Mahatir Muhammad 1981.9~ 2003.10
阿都拉·巴達威 Tun Abdullah Ahmad Badawi 2003.10~2009.4
納吉·阿都拉薩 Dato' Sri Mohd Najib bin Tun Haji Abdul Razak 2009.4~現任
印尼1945年獨立，至今有六個總統，期間蘇哈托(Suharto)從1967年軍事政變上台，統治超過31年。第五任的梅加瓦蒂為蘇卡諾的女兒。
第一任 蘇卡諾 Sukarno 1945.8~ 1967.3
第二任 蘇哈托 Suharto 1967.3~ 1998.5
第三任 哈比比 Baharuddin Jusuf Habibie 1998.5~ 1999.10
第四任 瓦希德 Abdurrahman Wahid 1999.10~ 2001.7
第五任 梅加瓦蒂 Megawati Sukarnoputri 2001.7~ 2004.10
第六任 蘇西洛 Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono 2004.10 現任
Hiroko Masuike for The New York Times
Voters cast ballots Sunday at a polling station in Tokyo.日本眾議院選舉8 月30 日舉行投票，31 日早晨結果出爐，如同選前預測，最大在野黨的民主黨大贏，480 席中一取得 308 席。
Page last updated at 23:39 GMT, Monday, 24 August 2009 00:39 UKWill Japan re-elect its hereditary politicians?By Roland Buerk
BBC News, Tokyo Many of the names on ballot papers for Japan's 30 August general election will be very familiar to voters.America has the Bushes and the Kennedys, India the Gandhis, but in few countries is politics such a family affair as Japan.
A large proportion of candidates in this election are running in constituencies where their forefathers served before.
Around a third of the candidates from the ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) are running in seats previously held by a family member.
For the main opposition Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) the figure is around 10%.
The leaders of both parties are from political dynasties.
Favourite sonOne candidate, Katsuhito Yokokume, is trying to make a virtue of his humble origins.
He is using his old red bike to campaign for parliament in Yokosuka, a seaside city not far from Tokyo.
Wearing a DPJ sash as he rides around the streets, the lorry driver's son, who graduated from Japan's top university, bows from the saddle to everyone he sees.
But he will struggle to become as well known as his opponent.
Getting a much bigger reception on the campaign trail is Shinjiro Koizumi.
He is also in his 20s, but his candidacy is causing real excitement.
Hundreds of people turned out to see him make his first speech of the campaign from the top of a van.
Election workers in green polo shirts printed with "Team S 2009" marshalled the crowd.
In Yokosuka, Shinjiro Koizumi is like a favourite son - middle-aged women grab his hand as he walks through the streets.
That is because his father is Junichiro Koizumi, a charismatic former prime minister who has represented the city in parliament for years.
"I really like his father, Junichiro," said a woman hurrying to catch a train. "Because he's his son, I'm sure he'll do something for us. I'm expecting great things from him. My husband is too."
"I like Mr Koizumi and a lot of local people are Koizumi fans," added a man who was out shopping. "For sure he'll win."
Sign of weakness?The leaders of both main parties, Prime Minister Taro Aso and DPJ leader Yukio Hatoyama, are political bluebloods, carrying on a dynastic battle.
Back in the 1950s the grandfather of Mr Aso was succeeded as prime minister by Mr Hatoyama's grandfather.But
there is growing concern in Japan about the dominance of dynasties and whether the power of local political machines built up by families stifles the chances of new blood getting into parliament.The issue was thrown into the public spotlight by the successive resignations of two prime ministers, Shinzo Abe and Yasuo Fukuda, the grandson and son respectively of former prime ministers.
Both lasted in office for only a year and
their decisions to quit were criticized as a sign of the weakness of hereditary politicians."They have money, they have supporters and they have name value handed down from the parents," said Noriaki Tsuchiya, the deputy director of the Matsushita Institute of Government and Management.
"This is not good for Japan because [the] dynamism of political power is not [as] strong as other countries."
Ant v elephantThe Matsushita Institute was set up by the late founder of the electronics giant Panasonic to train promising young people hoping for a career in politics.The aim is to develop a new breed of leaders, without family connections but with plenty of old fashioned Japanese virtues.
Students practice the martial art of Kendo - wooden sword fighting - and meditation, as well as holding debates and writing theses.
At dawn every morning they sweep the grounds, a taste of humble tasks on their way, they hope, to high office.
Back in Yokosuka, Shinjiro Koizumi is playing down his heritage - his grandfather and great-grandfather were parliamentarians too - telling supporters his father the former prime minister won't be joining him on the hustings.
"I get criticism every day for succeeding my father's seat," Shinjiro Koizumi told the BBC. "I want to overcome the criticism of hereditary politicians and fight against the strong headwind to win."
Katsuhito Yokokume, the lorry driver's son, is also hoping he will emerge victorious when the votes are counted.
But he likens the contest to an ant taking on an elephant.
The story was taken from the website of BBC, and the photo was taken from The New York Times. The copyright remains with their original owners. The authors, BBC and the New York Times are not envolved with, nor endorse the production of this blog.
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