La Vita è Bella Life is Beautiful. La Vita es Bonita. 美麗人生　

242愛的鼓勵 7訂閱站台

本世紀初，南韓企業會有如此強的競爭力，金大中居功厥偉。在亞洲金融風暴中，南韓大企業個個搖搖欲墜，手握IMF融資的金大中強迫大企業整併，把原本在市場上相互競爭的事業合併，一方面減少彼此競爭引發的殺價，一方面也強化競爭力。讓有五千萬人口的國內市場，來培養南韓企業在國際舞台的競爭力。

二十一世紀剛開始，新興的亞洲瀰漫著一股自由與希望的氣氛，朝鮮半島：南韓在反對黨執政後，又積極與北韓交往；東北亞緊張情勢大幅下降。台灣也選出的第一位反對黨的總統。在南方，東帝汶的獨力進入倒數階段，蘇哈托被依貪汙起訴了。在歐洲，歐元的時代即將來臨，歐洲朝著的統合方向前進著；米洛賽維奇(Slobodan Milošević)也被捉起來了，巴爾幹半島至少短期內不會在有什麼種族屠殺或滅絕的事件！世界似乎往和平光明的方向發展，實在令人興奮。雖然日本的小淵中風，繼任的森喜郎面臨倒閣，也重新組閣。(我搞不清楚是因為經濟的低迷導致內格更動頻繁，還是政治的異動頻仍，使經濟一直無法復甦。)翁山蘇姬再次被軟禁；安華除了貪污之外，又多加了一條雞姦的罪名，要多關幾年。美國因最高法院的判決，令人討厭的小布希因而當上了總統。

九年後來回顧當時的心情，現實的發展是：世界似乎沒有更美好。當年台、美都選了一個糟糕的總統；朝鮮半島的和平可能是花五億美元請金日成配合演出的一場戲；小泉之後日本的首相依然更換頻仍，都做不超過一年，去年上台的麻生近來似乎也面臨倒閣的威脅，甚至是再次政黨輪替。翁山蘇姬又再次被軟禁...。

Kim Dae-jung, Ex-President of S. Korea, Dies at 83


Yonhap News Agency, via Reuters
Kim Dae-jung, the first opposition party leader to take power, at a rally in Seoul in 1989.

By CHOE SANG-HUN
Published: August 18, 2009

SEOUL, South Korea — Kim Dae-jung (金大中), a dissident who survived a death sentence and an assassination attempt by military dictators before winning the South Korean presidency and receiving a Nobel Peace Prize, died on Tuesday. He was 83.

Mr. Kim, who had been under treatment for pneumonia since July 13, died of “heart failure caused by internal organ dysfunctions," said Park Chang-il, president of Severance Hospital.

As president from 1998 till 2003, Mr. Kim was the first opposition leader to take power in South Korea.

Once vilified by his rivals as a Communist, Mr. Kim flew to Pyongyang, the capital of North Korea, in 2000 to meet that nation’s leader, Kim Jong-il (金正日), in the first summit meeting between the Koreas. That meeting led to an unprecedented détente on the divided Korean Peninsula, which remains technically at war because no peace treaty was signed at the end of the Korean War in 1953.

Under Mr. Kim’s “sunshine policy,” the two Koreas connected roads and railways across their shared border. They jointly built an industrial park. Two million South Koreans visited a North Korean mountain resort. And in a scene televised worldwide, aging Koreans separated by the war a half century ago tearfully hugged one another in temporary family reunions.

In a message of condolence on Tuesday, President Obama called Mr. Kim “a courageous champion of democracy and human rights.”

“President Kim risked his life to build and lead a political movement that played a crucial role in establishing a dynamic democratic system in the Republic of Korea,” Mr. Obama added. Kang Won-taek, a political scientist at Soongsil University in Seoul, said Tuesday that Mr. Kim had also broken “longstanding taboos in South Korea.”

“He led the liberals to the fore of South Korean politics after decades of conservative rule, and he changed North Korea’s status among South Koreans, from an enemy to be vilified to someone that can coexist with the South and can be engaged,” Mr. Kang said.

But Mr. Kim “never overcame the limits” of an old-style South Korean political boss who had depended on and stoked regionalism and “privately owned political parties,” which he created and demolished for his own political gains, Mr. Kang said.

Forced to use a wheelchair and shuttled in and out of hospitals for treatment of pneumonia, Mr. Kim spent his last years lamenting his crumbling legacy.

Tired of giving billions of dollars of aid and trade to the Communist North but getting little in return, South Koreans in 2007 abandoned the policies of Mr. Kim and his successor, Roh Moo-hyun (盧武鉉), by electing Lee Myung-bak (李明博), a conservative leader who promised a tougher stance on Pyongyang.

Inter-Korean relations chilled as North Korea tested nuclear weapons, first in 2006 and again in May, and as the United States, South Korea and Japan led the call for tighter sanctions on North Korea. The government in Pyongyang retreated into belligerent isolation after years of hesitant steps toward openness, though Mr. Kim’s critics have dismissed those earlier gestures as a mere ploy by the North to wring more aid from the South.




Mr. Kim became a symbol of the South Korean struggle for democracy and the dream of reconciliation, and eventual reunification, with North Korea. When the Nobel Committee awarded him the Peace Prize in 2000, it was in recognition of his struggle as a pro-democracy campaigner as well as his vision in overcoming five decades of mistrust and hostility to engineer the Korean summit meeting.

He was often praised by his Western supporters as the “Nelson Mandela of Asia,” although Mr. Kim had a more checkered reputation among his own people.

Kim Dae-jung was born on Dec. 3, 1925, to a farming family at Haeuido (荷衣島), a small island that was part of Cholla Province (全羅道) in the southwest, a region scorned by other presidents who came from the rival Kyongsang Province in the southeast.

After attending a vocational high school, Mr. Kim dabbled in running a shipping company and a newspaper. In 1961, on his fifth try, he was elected to the National Legislature. A week later, Maj. Gen. Park Chung-hee (朴正熙) staged a coup, the beginning of his 18-year iron-fisted rule.

A skilled rabble-rouser who spoke for political freedom and for the downtrodden, Mr. Kim quickly emerged as an opposition leader and General Park’s nemesis, especially after he won 45 percent of the vote running against the incumbent dictator in his first presidential try in 1971.

His image as a persecuted dissident expanded abroad in 1973, when agents from General Park’s notorious spy agency, known at the time as the K.C.I.A., kidnapped Mr. Kim from a hotel room in Tokyo, where he was leading an exile movement for democracy in South Korea.

He later said his kidnappers had attached a weight to him aboard a boat and were about to throw him into the sea when the United States government intervened. Five days later, he was dumped, shaken and bruised, at the gate of his Seoul home and was placed under house arrest.

The harsher General Park’s rule became, the more Mr. Kim’s popularity grew — especially in Cholla, where he was able to gain up to 95 percent of the votes in elections. It was this regional loyalty that allowed him to make a comeback after each of his three failed attempts for the presidency.

Mr. Kim’s chance appeared to have come when General Park’s disgruntled spy chief assassinated the dictator in 1979. But another general, Chun Doo-hwan, seized power in another coup and arrested Mr. Kim and other leading dissidents. When people in Kwangju, the central city of Cholla, rose up, the junta sent in tanks and paratroopers. More than 200 protesters were killed, and Mr. Kim was sentenced to death on sedition charges.


Again the United States intervened. Under a deal with the Reagan administration, General Chun let Mr. Kim board a plane to the United States in 1982. Three years later, he returned home, escorted by American politicians, but was placed under house arrest.

Eventually, it was not the powerful friends he made in Washington, and not even the unconditional support he commanded in Cholla, that helped him reach the presidential Blue House in 1998, his fourth run. The Asian financial crisis helped him gain the presidency, as South Koreans voted against the often corrupt conservative establishment that had ruled South Korea almost continuously since the Korean War.

Mr. Kim reshaped the economy by cleaning up debt-ridden banks and conglomerates. But he spent most of his energy on building reconciliation with North Korea, carrying out his lifelong belief that South Korea could prod the North toward openness and reduce the strain of eventual unification by first promoting gradual economic integration with injections of aid and investment.


His best moments came in June 2000, when Kim Jong-il hugged him at the Pyongyang airport and escorted him through the Communist capital, where hundreds of thousands were mobilized in their holiday best to wave flowers at the visitor from the South.

Mr. Kim spent his last months in office in a grim mood, however. The North Korean leader never kept his promise to make a return visit to Seoul. Nor did he give up his nuclear program. Two of Mr. Kim’s three sons were sent to prison for corruption. And a special investigator with a parliamentary mandate found that Mr. Kim’s government had helped funnel $500 million to North Korea in dubious business deals shortly before the 2000 summit meeting, fueling opposition accusations that he had “bribed” the Communist leader and strengthened his chances to win the peace prize.


Mr. Kim is survived by his sons and his wife, Lee Hee-ho.


http://www.nytimes.com/2009/08/19/world/asia/19kim.html?_r=1


金大中逝世／陽光政策 促兩韓和平
【聯合晚報╱國際新聞組/綜合報導】    2009.08.18 02:38 pm



南韓前總統金大中今天因心臟衰竭去世，他最令人記憶深刻政績的是提出「陽光政策」，致力於改善朝鮮半島的緊張關係，2000年6月前往平壤和北韓領袖金正日完成歷史性的兩韓元首高峰會議，他因此在當年獲頒諾貝爾和平獎。

金大中的政治之路走得十分艱辛，記者出身的他在28歲時開始參與反政府活動，35歲時當國會議員，但朴正熙領導的軍事政變讓選舉失效。金大中繼續從事反政府活動，逐漸成為反對派領袖，並於1971年參加總統大選，挑戰大權獨攬的朴正熙。但朴正熙挾獨裁統治優勢當選，立即下令拘捕金大中，罪名是「危害國家安全」。

1973年8月8日並發生著名的「金大中綁架事件」，當時為總統候選人的金大中在日本東京的飯店被擄走，五天後被送回他在首爾的寓所門外。

朴正熙遇刺身亡後，另一軍事強人全斗煥發動政變奪權，金大中因為「叛國罪」被判死刑。在美國的挽救下，被改判20年監禁，然後再被驅逐出境，流亡美國。金大中在1985年回國後繼續擔任反對派領袖角色，參選總統屢戰屢敗，終於在1997年第四度參選時挑戰成功，繼金泳三接任成為南韓總統。

他當選時正值亞洲金融風暴之後，當務之急是帶動南韓經濟迅速復甦。他並積極推動陽光政策，促成朝鮮半島和平，可惜事後傳出他是透過現代集團重金賄賂金正日才促成南北韓高峰會，使他的諾貝爾和平獎失色，後來北韓舉行核子試驗後，也讓「陽光政策」遭到部分南韓人的猛烈抨擊。

http://www.udn.com/2009/8/18/NEWS/WORLD/WOR3/5085044.shtml



南韓前總統 金大中去世
【聯合晚報╱編譯范振光/綜合報導】2009.08.18 02:38 pm


 
前南韓總統金大中今天中午因心臟衰竭去世，享年85歲。

金大中在當地下午1時35分開始心臟衰竭，幾分鐘後心跳停止，醫院搶救無效，於1時43分 (台灣時間中午12時43分)宣告死亡。

金大中四度參選總統，終於在1997年當選南韓第15任總統，任期為1998年2月25日到2003年2月25日。

前任總統金泳三最後一年任期，恰逢亞洲金融風暴，南韓受到嚴重打擊，因此金大中上台後的首要任務是改革南韓金融體系，而他成功使南韓經濟迅速恢復。金大中也積極推動「陽光政策」，2000年6月15日，他與當時的北韓領袖金正日舉行歷史性的高峰會談，並因此贏得那一年的諾貝爾和平獎。

金大中7月13日因肺炎和併發症緊急住院，經過密集治療，22日轉入普通病房，但畢竟年事已高，隔天又出現肺栓塞症狀，需配戴呼吸器。

金大中曾逃過數次暗殺，1980年因叛國罪判處死刑，但先後減刑為無期徒刑和20年徒刑，1982年獲赦，但最後仍難逃病魔之手。

http://www.udn.com/2009/8/18/NEWS/WORLD/WOR3/5085130.shtml



熱門話題  > 南韓民主推手 金大中辭世

金大中逝世 韓政壇「三金」時代落幕
2009/8/18



（中央社記者姜遠珍首爾特稿）在南韓政壇叱吒風雲達半個世紀的「三金」時代，隨著南韓前總統金大中今天下午1點42分的逝世而落幕。

金大中和前總統金泳三、前國務總理金鐘泌，在南韓政壇被稱為「時敵時友」的「三金」。尤其，金大中於2003年2月25日自第15任總統卸任退出政壇後， 仍然被南韓全羅道民眾奉為「神格化」的人物，這也正是他一直干涉政治、甚至嫡派親信於他住院期間聚集在醫院，被指責為等待接班的主要原因。

1924年1月6日出生於南韓西南部全羅南道荷衣島的金大中，於1950年北韓南侵全羅道木浦期間，曾被北韓軍隊俘虜，關押於木浦中學操場等待處決。適逢美國麥克阿瑟 (McArthur)將軍率領的聯軍登陸仁川，駐守於木浦的北韓軍隊匆忙北逃，金大中得以倖免。

但是，他曾在南韓大選期間，被對手陣營指責為有「附匪」的嫌疑，而成為南韓右傾保守勢力一直抵制的頭號人物。

根據南韓「聯合新聞通訊社」的報導，1960年代以來，「三金」縱橫南韓政壇，凸顯了「沒有永遠的同志，也沒有永遠的敵人」的冷酷政治現實。

由於「三金」時而作為同志相互合作，時而又因政治利益而反目成仇，因此，南韓民眾認為，「三金」的關係用「愛恨」兩字來形容，實在遠遠不夠。

在南韓被稱為「政治九段」的「三金」，確曾在南韓政壇留下了無法抹滅的足跡及產生深遠的影響。

金鐘泌於1961年參與姻侄朴正熙將軍發動的軍事政變，並正式踏入政壇。金大中和金泳三則於1967年的新民黨國會總務競選中，主張「應由40多歲的人當最高領導」的論調，並展開了首次競爭後，躍身成為南韓在野黨的新一代領導人，也邁進了相互競爭及合作的時代。

前總統朴正熙於1979年10月26日被他的親信、南韓中央情報部長金載圭槍殺後，「三金」準備推進新的政治改革，但是，隨著同年12月12日主導軍事政變的全斗煥將軍領導的新軍部登場，「三金」遭遇到禁止政治活動的黑暗時期。

金鐘泌後來被指為是濫用權力斂財的頭號人物，財產被沒收；金大中則以內亂陰謀罪一度被判死刑；金泳三則被軟禁在家中。

但嚮往民主化的南韓國民，為「三金」營造了政治活動的空間。透過1987年6 月的民主化抗爭，當時的總統全斗煥終於發表了「6.29民主化宣言」，同意修憲並引進了總統直選制。

但是，金大中和金泳三在1987年底總統大選的在野陣營候選人單一化問題上，未能達成一致意見，兩人雙雙競選第13屆總統。而金鐘泌也以忠清道地區為根據地，參加總統選舉。由於在野陣營的分裂，最後執政黨候選人盧泰愚當選總統。

盧泰愚執政後，在1988年4月的國會選舉中，金大中（平和民主黨）、金泳三（統一民主黨）和金鐘泌（新民主共和黨）分別組建湖南、嶺南及忠清陣營，營造出基於地域情緒的朝小野大格局，同時造就了合作與背叛週而復始的秘密勾結式政治。

1990年，金泳三和金鐘泌參與和執政黨聯手的「三黨統合」（民主正義黨、統一民主黨和新民主共和黨的合黨），並成立巨大的執政黨民主自由黨。金泳三希望 當選執政黨的總統候選人，而金鐘泌為了推進內閣制修憲而參與其中。金大中雖然也得到民自黨的建議，但並未參與合黨。

最終，金泳三先嘗到了甜頭。1992年，他以執政黨總統候選人身分成功當選總統；金大中認輸，並宣佈退出政壇。

隨著金泳三當選總統，「三金」政治表面上似乎落幕，但是這只是另一個階段的開始。金泳三和金鐘泌作為執政黨民自黨的總裁和最高委員代表建立合作關係，但金鐘泌在金泳三民主陣營下台的壓力下，於1995年退出民自黨，並於同年3 月成立以忠清為根據地的自由民主聯盟。

金大中也在1995年參加地方選舉後，宣佈重返政壇，並以全羅道地區為根據地，成立國民會議。

1996年，「三金」在第15屆國會選舉再次相遇。金泳三率領的執政黨新韓國黨，獲得未過半的139 席，而金大中和自民聯分別獲得79席和50席。

被金泳三遺棄的金鐘泌在1997年的第15屆大選前，與金大中聯手，並透過所謂「DJP」 （DJ代表「大中」；JP代表「鐘泌」）聯盟，統一在野黨候選人。金大中在四次參加競選後，終於成功當選，而金鐘泌成為金大中政府的第一任國務總理。

金大中於總統任內的2000年6月由首爾直飛平壤，與北韓國防委員長金正日簽署了旨在促進朝鮮半島和平共榮進而統一的「6.15南北共同宣言」，為分裂達半個多世紀的朝鮮半島帶來了和解合作的一線和平曙光，同時，也為他自己贏得了諾貝爾和平獎。

然而，DJP聯盟也是好景不長。2001年9月，金鐘泌以金大中未遵守內閣制修憲的大選承諾為由，宣佈DJP聯盟正式破裂。

此後的2002年第16屆大選，民主黨候選人盧武鉉當選總統，作為前任總統的金大中退出政壇。

金鐘泌儘管繼續擔任自民聯總裁，但2004年的國會選舉中，自民聯因盧武鉉的彈劾逆風而慘敗，連比例代表議員也未能當選，成為「三金」中最後一位退出政壇。

在動蕩的南韓政壇中，「三金」為實現國家的現代化和民主化做出了貢獻，但也留下了地域主義、老闆政治及金權政治等弊端。「三金」政治的功與過已經成為歷史，只是南韓國內政治格局至今仍未擺脫「三金」所造成的地域主義。980818

http://www.cna.com.tw/SearchNews/doDetail.aspx?id=200908180201

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以上報導摘自紐約時報、聯合報與中央社網站，照片皆摘自紐約時報，其著作權皆為原所有人所有，其出處註明於每一報導之後。

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